الأربعاء، 19 فبراير 2020

Cilla Black

Priscilla Maria Veronica White OBE (27 May 1943 – 1 August 2015), better known as Cilla Black, was an English singer, television presenter, actress, and author.

Championed by her friends, the Beatles, Black began her career as a singer in 1963. Her singles "Anyone Who Had a Heart" and "You're My World" both reached number one in the UK in 1964. She had 11 top 10 hits on the UK Singles Chart between then and 1971, and an additional eight hits that made the top 40. In May 2010, new research published by BBC Radio 2 showed that her version of "Anyone Who Had a Heart" was the UK's biggest-selling single by a female artist in the 1960s.[1] "You're My World" was also a modest hit in the U.S., peaking at No. 26 on the Billboard Hot 100.

Along with a successful recording career in the 1960s and early 1970s, Black hosted her own BBC variety show, Cilla (1968–1976). After a brief time as a comedy actress in the mid-1970s, she became a prominent television presenter in the 1980s and 1990s, hosting hit entertainment shows such as Blind Date (1985–2003), The Moment of Truth (1998–2001), and Surprise Surprise (1984–2001). In 2013, Black celebrated 50 years in show business. ITV honoured this milestone with a one-off entertainment special which aired on 16 October 2013, The One & Only Cilla Black, featuring Black herself and hosted by Paul O'Grady.[2]

Black died on 1 August 2015 at the age of 72, after a fall in her villa in Estepona. The day after her funeral, the compilation album The Very Best of Cilla Black went to number one on the UK Albums Chart and the New Zealand Albums Chart; it was her first number one album. In 2017, a statue of Black commissioned by her sons was unveiled outside the Cavern Club's original entrance. The statue divided Liverpudlians,[3] as Black was at one time a staunch supporter of the Conservative Party and publicly voiced her admiration for Margaret Thatcher—despite the widespread unpopularity of Thatcher and her government policies, which at one time called for Liverpool to have resources pulled from it so it would fall into a "managed decline"
Early life
Black was born Priscilla Maria Veronica White in the Vauxhall district of Liverpool on 27 May 1943, the daughter of Priscilla Blythen (1911–1996) and John Patrick White (1904–1971). She grew up in the Scotland Road area of Vauxhall. Her maternal grandfather, Joseph Henry Blythen (1883–1966), was born to Irish parents in the Welsh town of Wrexham; all of Black's other great-grandparents were also Irish.[6][7] She was raised in a Roman Catholic household, and attended St Anthony's School in Scotland Road.[8][9] She later attended Anfield Commercial College, where she learned office skills.[8][10] Determined to become an entertainer, Black gained a part-time job as a cloakroom attendant at Liverpool's Cavern Club, best known for its connection with the Beatles. Her impromptu performances impressed the Beatles and others. She was encouraged to begin singing by a Liverpool promoter, Sam Leach, who booked her first gig at the Zodiac Club on Duke Street, where she appeared as "Swinging Cilla", backed by the Big Three. She later also became a guest singer with the Merseybeat bands Rory Storm and the Hurricanes and Kingsize Taylor and the Dominoes. Meanwhile, she worked as a waitress at the Zodiac coffee lounge, where she met her future husband Bobby Willis. She was featured in an article in the first edition of the local music newspaper Mersey Beat by the paper's publisher, Bill Harry, who mistakenly referred to her as "Cilla Black" rather than her real name. She subsequently decided to keep the name.[11]

Music career
Before August 1967
Black signed her first contract with longtime friend and neighbour, Terry McCann, but this contract was never honoured as it was made when she was underage (the age of majority was then 21) and her father subsequently signed her with Brian Epstein.[10]

She was introduced to Epstein by John Lennon, who persuaded him to audition her. Lennon was encouraged by his Aunt Mimi to introduce Black to Epstein. Epstein had a portfolio of local artists but initially showed little interest in her. Her first audition was a failure, partly because of nerves, and partly because the Beatles (who supported her) played the songs in their usual vocal key rather than re-pitching them for Black's voice.[12]

In her autobiography What's It All About? she wrote:[13]

I'd chosen to do "Summertime", but at the very last moment I wished I hadn't. I adored this song, and had sung it when I came to Birkenhead with the Big Three, but I hadn't rehearsed it with the Beatles and it had just occurred to me that they would play it in the wrong key. It was too late for second thoughts, though. With one last wicked wink at me, John set the group off playing. I'd been right to worry. The music was not in my key and any adjustments that the boys were now trying to make were too late to save me. My voice sounded awful. Destroyed—and wanting to die—I struggled on to the end.

But after seeing her another day, at the Blue Angel jazz club, Epstein contracted with Black as his only female client on 6 September 1963.[14] Epstein introduced Black to George Martin who signed her to Parlophone Records and produced her début single, "Love of the Loved" (written by Lennon and McCartney), which was released only three weeks after she joined Epstein. Despite an appearance on ABC Television's popular Thank Your Lucky Stars, the single peaked at a modest No. 35 in the UK, a relative failure compared to the débuts of Epstein's most successful artists (the Beatles, Gerry and the Pacemakers and Billy J. Kramer with the Dakotas).[15]

Black's second single, released at the beginning of 1964, was a cover of the Burt Bacharach–Hal David composition "Anyone Who Had a Heart", which had been written for Dionne Warwick. The single beat Warwick's recording into the UK charts and rose to No. 1 in Britain in February 1964 (spending three weeks there), selling 800,000 UK copies in the process.[16] Her second UK No. 1 success, "You're My World", was an English-language rendition of the Italian popular song "Il Mio Mondo" by composer Umberto Bindi. She also enjoyed chart success with the song in America, Australia, New Zealand, Europe, South Africa and Canada. Both songs sold over one million copies worldwide, and were awarded gold discs.[17]

Black's two No. 1 successes were followed by the release of another Lennon–McCartney composition, "It's for You", as her fourth UK single. Paul McCartney played piano at the recording session and the song proved to be another success for Black, peaking at No. 7 on the UK charts.[18]

Black belonged to a generation of British female singers which included Dusty Springfield, Helen Shapiro, Petula Clark, Sandie Shaw, Marianne Faithfull, and Lulu. Other than Clark, these artists were not singer-songwriters but interpreters of 1960s contemporary popular music by songwriters and producers. Black recorded much material during this time, including songs written by Phil Spector, Tim Hardin and Burt Bacharach. All were produced by George Martin at Abbey Road Studios.[19] Randy Newman, writer and composer of "I've Been Wrong Before" which Cilla Black recorded in 1965, was quoted as saying: "Cilla Black's "I've Been Wrong Before" is about the best cover record anyone has ever done of my songs."[20]

Black's version of "You've Lost That Lovin' Feelin'" (1965) reached No. 2 on the UK charts. A week later the Righteous Brothers' original version of the same song went to No. 1 while Black's version dropped to No. 5. The single wasn't critically well received, however; the Rolling Stones' manager Andrew Loog Oldham took out an advert in the Melody Maker to deride Cilla's efforts compared with the original.[21]

Being so closely associated with the Beatles, Black became one of a select group of artists in the 1964–65 period (the others being Billy J. Kramer & the Dakotas and Peter and Gordon) to record more than one Lennon–McCartney composition.[10] Black continued to record Lennon–McCartney compositions throughout her time with Parlophone (1963–1973) and her recordings of "Yesterday", "For No One" and "Across the Universe" became radio favourites. McCartney said Black's 1972 interpretation of "The Long and Winding Road" was the definitive version of the song.[12]

Black's career in the United States, although enthusiastically supported by Epstein and his PR team, was limited to a few television appearances (The Ed Sullivan Show among them), a 1965 cabaret season at the Plaza Hotel in New York City, and success with "You're My World", which made it to No. 26 on the Billboard Hot 100.[22] The song was to be her only American Top 30 chart success, and Elvis Presley had a copy on his personal jukebox at his Graceland home. Black recognised that to achieve popular status in the USA she would need to devote much time to touring there. But she was plagued by homesickness and a sense of loneliness and returned to the UK.[23]

During 1966 Black recorded the Bacharach-David song "Alfie", written as the signature song to the 1966 feature film of the same name. While Cher sang "Alfie" on the closing credits of the American release of the film and Black on the UK version, Black was the first and only artist to have a hit with the song in the UK (No. 9). The next year, "Alfie" would become a success for Dionne Warwick in the US. Black's version of "Alfie" was arranged and conducted by Bacharach himself at the recording session at Abbey Road. Bacharach insisted on 31 separate takes, and Black cited the session as one of the most demanding of her recording career.[24] For Bacharach's part, he said "… there weren't too many white singers around, who could convey the emotion that I felt in many of the songs I wrote but that changed with people like Cilla Black".[25]

By the end of 1966, Black had been a guest on Peter Cook and Dudley Moore's show Not Only... But Also, had appeared on The Eamonn Andrews Show, and in a Ray Galton–Alan Simpson revue in London's West End—Way Out in Piccadilly—alongside Frankie Howerd, and had starred in the television special Cilla at the Savoy, which was one of the most watched music specials of the 1960s.[26]

Epstein's attempts to make Black a film actress were less successful. A brief appearance in the "beat" film Ferry 'Cross the Mersey (1965) and a leading role alongside David Warner in the psychedelic comedy Work Is a Four-Letter Word (1968) were largely ignored by film critics. In a 1997 interview with Record Collector magazine, Black revealed she was asked to appear in the film The Italian Job (1969), playing the part of Michael Caine's girlfriend, but negotiations fell through between producers and her management over her fee.[23]

Epstein died of an accidental drug overdose in August 1967, not long after negotiating a contract with the BBC for Black to appear in a television series of her own. Relations between Epstein and Black had somewhat soured during the year prior to his death, largely because he was not paying her career enough attention and the fact that her singles "A Fool Am I" (UK No. 13, 1966) and "What Good Am I?" (UK No. 24, 1967) were not big successes.

In her autobiography, Black said that Epstein had tried to pacify her by negotiating a deal that would see her representing the UK in the 1968 Eurovision Song Contest. However, Black refused on the basis that Sandie Shaw had won the previous year's contest, and that the chances of another British female artist winning were few.[27]

After Epstein
Black's boyfriend and songwriter Bobby Willis assumed management responsibilities after Epstein died. After the relatively disappointing performance of "I Only Live to Love You" (UK No. 26, 1967), Black hit a new purple patch in her recording career, starting with "Step Inside Love" in 1968 (UK No. 8), which McCartney wrote especially for her as the theme for her new weekly BBC television variety series.[28] Other successes followed in 1969: "Conversations" (UK No. 7), "Surround Yourself with Sorrow" (written by Bill Martin, Phil Coulter, UK No. 3), "If I Thought You'd Ever Change Your Mind" (No. 20). Black had a further big hit with "Something Tells Me (Something's Gonna Happen Tonight)" (UK No. 3) in 1971.[18]

Black's association with the Beatles continued. At the 1971 Cannes Film Festival she joined George Harrison, Ringo Starr and singer Marc Bolan to attend a screening of the John Lennon–Yoko Ono experimental film Erection. She also holidayed with Harrison and Starr on a trip aboard a yacht chartered by Starr. "Photograph" was written on this trip—originally intended for Black—but Starr decided to record it himself. George Harrison also wrote two songs for Black: "The Light that has Lighted the World" and "I'll Still Love You (When Every Song is Sung)". The latter she recorded during 1974 with her then-producer David Mackay, but it was not heard publicly until 2003 when it was included on a retrospective collection entitled Cilla: The Best of 1963–78.[29]

Writing in 1969, the rock music journalist Nik Cohn wrote:

…she makes people glow. In her time, she will grow into a pop Gracie Fields, much loved entertainer, and she'll become institutionalised.[19]

Later music career
In 1993 she released Through the Years, an album of new material featuring duets with Dusty Springfield, Cliff Richard and Barry Manilow. Ten years later, in 2003, she released the album Beginnings ... Greatest Hits and New Songs.[30]

During 2006–07, Black's 1971 single "Something Tells Me (Something's Gonna Happen Tonight)" was used as the soundtrack to a new British advertising campaign for Ferrero Rocher chocolates.[31] During the 2008–09 pantomime season, Black returned to live musical performance in the pantomime Cinderella, appearing as the Fairy Godmother. Black was part of an all-Scouse cast assembled in this three-hour stage spectacular to mark the end of Liverpool's year as European Capital of Culture. The show incorporated a number of Black's successes, which she performed live, including "You're My World", "Something Tells Me", "Step Inside Love" and "I Can Sing a Rainbow". Black received rave reviews for her singing and overall performance.[32][33][34]

On 7 September 2009, a total of 13 original studio albums (the first seven produced by George Martin) recorded by Black between 1963 and 2003 were released for digital download. These albums featured an array of musical genres. Also released by EMI at the same time was a double album and DVD set, The Definitive Collection (A Life in Music), featuring rare BBC video footage; a digital download album of specially commissioned re-mixes Cilla All Mixed Up; a remixed single on digital download of "Something Tells Me".[35]

For the 2010 winter pantomime season, Black appeared in Cinderella at the Waterside Theatre in Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire.[36]

In October 2013, Parlophone (the record label which launched her career in 1963) released the career-spanning CD The Very Best of Cilla Black—containing all 19 of her UK Top 40 singles, new club remixes plus a bonus DVD of her 1966 TV music special Cilla at the Savoy.[37]

Black was the best-selling British female recording artist in the UK during the 1960s, releasing a total of 15 studio albums and 37 singles.[12]

On Valentines Day, 14th February 2020, a previously unreleased Cilla track titled 'You're Sensational' was released via Warner Music.

Television career
Cilla (BBC TV series)
Black was offered her own show on the BBC by Bill Cotton, then Assistant Head of Light Entertainment. The show would simply be titled Cilla and aired from January 1968 to April 1976. Cotton considered Black to take over from Bruce Forsyth as host of The Generation Game in 1978, but after a brief conversation, Cotton learned that Black wanted to maintain her singing career and was not ready to change course so drastically to light entertainment hostess. Cotton believed she would have been "perfect" for the show.[38]

Comedy
On 15 January 1975 Black performed as the main entertainer of the first of six half-hour situation comedy plays. The series, broadcast by ITV, was entitled Cilla's Comedy Six[39] and was written by Ronnie Taylor. During May 1975 the Writers' Guild of Great Britain named Black as Britain's Top Female Comedy Star.[40] The following year, ATV was commissioned to film six more plays as the initial series had accrued healthy viewing figures and remained constantly among the highest-scoring three shows of the week. During August 1976 Black reprised her role as a comedy actress in Cilla's World of Comedy[41] which featured her theme song and new single "Easy in Your Company".[citation needed]

Between 2013 and 2014 Black was set to co-star in a new BBC sitcom Led Astray, alongside Paul O'Grady—the pilot episode was recorded on 31 October 2013. However, the show was shelved when the pair were unable to cope with the long hours of filming.[42]

LWT
By the beginning of the 1980s Black was performing mainly in cabaret and concerts; television appearances were rare. According to Christopher Biggins's autobiography she "stormed back into the public consciousness with a barnstorming performance as a guest on Wogan in 1983, proving that we can all have second chances" and after her appearance, people were "desperately trying to find her the right comeback vehicle".[43] She presented Cilla Black's Christmas (1983), performing a comedy-duet with Frankie Howerd.

Black signed a contract with London Weekend Television, becoming the host of two of the most popular and long-running evening entertainment shows of the 1980s and 1990s—Blind Date (1985–2003) and Surprise Surprise (1984–2001).[40] She also presented the game show The Moment of Truth (1998–2001). All programmes were mainstream ratings winners and consolidated her position as the highest-paid female performer on British television.[44]

Her TV appearances made her spoken mannerisms ("Lorra lorra laughs", for example) and her habit of referring familiarly to her fellow presenters ("Our Graham") well known.[45]

Later television work
Black's most notable television performances after her resignation from LWT included Parkinson, So Graham Norton, Friday Night with Jonathan Ross, Room 101 twice (once with Paul Merton and once with his successor as host, Frank Skinner), and a one-off show titled Cilla Live! for Living TV. Black was a judge on the first series of the reality TV series Soapstar Superstar,[46] featured in an episode of the series Eating with...[47] and guest-presented editions of The Paul O'Grady Show in 2006[48] and The Friday Night Project for Channel 4 in 2007.

In 2006, Black took part in the BBC Wales programme Coming Home about her Welsh family history, with roots in Wrexham and Holywell.[49][50]

In 2008 Black recorded a pilot for the Sky 1 dating show Loveland. The show was to be a ten-part "21st-century" dating programme for the following year. Unlike Blind Date, contestants would not sit in front of a studio audience, but would be 'hidden' behind real-time animations as they dated each other. Each episode would conclude with the contestant picking their preferred animated character before meeting the real-life person. Production costs, however, were too high and the show was pulled.[51]

In October 2009 Black guest-anchored Loose Women[40] and on 28 November 2009 appeared on Sky 1 to present TV's Greatest Endings.[citation needed]

Between September 2010 and June 2011 she made guest panel list appearances[40] and in 2011 also appeared, as herself, in the first episode of series 4 of ITV's Benidorm.[52]

50 years in showbusiness
ITV honoured Black's 50 years in show business with a one-off entertainment special which aired on 16 October 2013. The show, called The One and Only Cilla Black, starred Black alongside Paul O'Grady, who hosted the show. The show celebrated Black's career and included a special trip back to her home city of Liverpool, a host of celebrity friends and some surprise music guests. Black paid homage to Blind Date with the return of its most popular contestants and saw her star in a special edition of Coronation Street.[2]

TV biopic
Main article: Cilla
In 2014, Black was the subject of a three-part television drama series, Cilla, focusing especially on her rise to fame in 1960s Liverpool and her relationship with Bobby Willis.[53] ITV aired the first instalment on 15 September 2014, starring actress Sheridan Smith as Black.[54][55]

The Lost Tapes
A documentary titled 'Cilla - The Lost Tapes' aired on Wednesday 19th February 2020 on ITV, featuring unseen family and career footage. Celebrity friends such as Sir Cliff Richard and Christopher Biggins also featured in it.

Politics
Black was at one time a staunch supporter of the Conservative Party and publicly voiced her admiration for Margaret Thatcher, stating in 1993 that Thatcher had "put the 'great' back into Great Britain" during her 11 years as prime minister from 1979 until 1990—despite the widespread unpopularity of Thatcher and her government in Black's native Liverpool. In April 1992, she appeared on stage at a Conservative Party rally and made prominent calls for the party's re-election under the leadership of Thatcher's successor John Major, who went on to win the election.[56] However, in a 2004 interview with The Guardian, Black claimed that she was "apolitical".[57] The Liverpool Echo also quoted her as saying, "As for the politics thing, I'm not a Conservative."[58]

In August 2014, Black was one of 200 public figures who were signatories to a letter to The Guardian expressing their hope that Scotland would vote to remain part of the United Kingdom in September's referendum on that issue.[59]

Personal life
Black was married to her manager, Bobby Willis, for 30 years from 1969 until he died from lung cancer on 23 October 1999. They had three sons. They also had a daughter, Ellen, who was born prematurely and suffered lung complications, living for only two hours.[citation needed]

Death
On 1 August 2015, at the age of 72, Black died at her holiday home in the Spanish town of Estepona.[60] A spokesperson for the High Court of Justice in Andalusia suggested that an accident may have been a contributing factor in Black's death.[60] Following the results of an autopsy, her sons confirmed that she had died from a stroke following a fall in her home.[61] A pathologist's report confirmed that Black had suffered a subarachnoid haemorrhage after falling backwards and hitting her head, presumably on a terrace wall. It was believed she had not been found for at least four hours.[62]

In 2014, she had stated that she wanted to die when she reached 75, as her mother, who suffered from progressive osteoporosis, had lived to 84 and her final years were difficult.[63] According to a friend, she had recently said that she was approaching death, complaining of failing eyesight and hearing as well as arthritis.[64] Black had been suffering with rheumatoid arthritis for years and was in "considerable agony" towards the end of her life.[65]

In the days following her death, a book of condolence was opened at the Liverpool Town Hall.[60] Then-Prime Minister David Cameron stated, "Cilla Black was a huge talent who made a significant contribution to public life in Britain. My thoughts are with her family."[66] Paul McCartney, Ringo Starr, Sheridan Smith, Holly Johnson, Cliff Richard, and Paul O'Grady were among friends and colleagues in the entertainment industry who expressed their sorrow at Black's death. Comedian Jimmy Tarbuck, who had been a friend for decades, said, "She was the girl next door that everybody loved and would have loved as a daughter, a daughter-in-law."[67] Songwriter Burt Bacharach said, "It will always be a most special memory for me of recording her on Alfie in Abbey Road Studios in 1965." Broadcaster Noel Edmonds said that she "captured the hearts of the British people" because "she was our Cilla—there were no airs and graces".[68]

Black's funeral service was held on 20 August 2015 at St Mary's Church, Woolton. Tom Williams, the Roman Catholic Auxiliary Bishop of Liverpool, led the service; Cliff Richard sang at the service and Paul O'Grady gave a eulogy.[69] Spoken tributes, prayers and readings were made by Black's sons Robert and Ben, Jimmy Tarbuck and Christopher Biggins. The Beatles song "The Long and Winding Road" was played as the coffin left the church.[70] She was buried in a private ceremony at Allerton Cemetery in Allerton on the same day.[71]

On 21 August 2015, the day after her funeral, The Very Best of Cilla Black, a compilation album of her most popular songs in her career, went to number one on the UK Albums Chart. It was Black's first number one album.

Elgin Marbles

The Parthenon Marbles (Greek: Γλυπτά του Παρθενώνα) also known as the Elgin Marbles (/ˈɛlɡɪn/),[1] are a collection of Classical Greek marble sculptures made under the supervision of the architect and sculptor Phidias and his assistants. They were originally part of the temple of the Parthenon and other buildings on the Acropolis of Athens.[2][3]

From 1801 to 1812, agents of Thomas Bruce, 7th Earl of Elgin removed about half of the surviving sculptures of the Parthenon, as well as sculptures from the Propylaea and Erechtheum.[4] The Marbles were transported by sea to Britain. Elgin later claimed to have obtained in 1801 an official decree (a firman)[5] from the Sublime Porte, the central government of the Ottoman Empire which were then the rulers of Greece. This firman has not been found in the Ottoman archives despite its wealth of documents from the same period[6] and its veracity is disputed.[7] The Acropolis Museum displays a proportion of the complete frieze, aligned in orientation and within sight of the Parthenon, with the position of the missing elements clearly marked and space left should they be returned to Athens.[8]

In Britain, the acquisition of the collection was supported by some,[9] while some others, such as Lord Byron, likened the Earl's actions to vandalism or looting.[10][11][12][13][14][15][16] Following a public debate in Parliament[17] and its subsequent exoneration of Elgin, he sold the Marbles to the British government in 1816. They were then passed to the British Museum,[18] where they are now on display in the purpose-built Duveen Gallery.

After gaining its independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1832, the newly-founded Greek state began a series of projects to restore its monuments and retrieve looted art. It has expressed its disapproval of Elgin's removal of the Marbles from the Acropolis and the Parthenon,[19] which is regarded as one of the world's greatest cultural monuments.[20] International efforts to repatriate the Marbles to Greece were intensified in the 1980s by then Greek Minister of Culture Melina Mercouri, and there are now many organisations actively campaigning for the Marbles' return, several united as part of the International Association for the Reunification of the Parthenon Sculptures. The Greek government itself continues to urge the return of the marbles to Athens so as to be unified with the remaining marbles and for the complete Parthenon frieze sequence to be restored, through diplomatic, political and legal means.[21]

In 2014, UNESCO offered to mediate between Greece and the United Kingdom to resolve the dispute, although this was later turned down by the British Museum on the basis that UNESCO works with government bodies, not trustees of museums
Background
Built in the ancient era, the Parthenon was extensively damaged during the Great Turkish War (1683–1699) against the Republic of Venice. The defending Turks fortified the Acropolis and used the Parthenon as a gunpowder magazine. On 26 September 1687, a Venetian artillery round, fired from the Hill of Philopappus, blew up the magazine, and the building was partly destroyed.[25] The explosion blew out the building's central portion and caused the cella's walls to crumble into rubble.[26] Three of the four walls collapsed, or nearly so, and about three-fifths of the sculptures from the frieze fell.[27] About three hundred people were killed in the explosion, which showered marble fragments over a significant area.[28] For the next century and a half, portions of the remaining structure were scavenged for building material and looted of any remaining objects of value.[29]

Acquisition
In November 1798 the Earl of Elgin was appointed as "Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Britannic Majesty to the Sublime Porte of Selim III, Sultan of Turkey" (Greece was then part of the Ottoman Empire). Before his departure to take up the post he had approached officials of the British government to inquire if they would be interested in employing artists to take casts and drawings of the sculptured portions of the Parthenon. According to Lord Elgin, "the answer of the Government ... was entirely negative."[9]

Lord Elgin decided to carry out the work himself, and employed artists to take casts and drawings under the supervision of the Neapolitan court painter, Giovani Lusieri.[9] According to a Turkish local, marble sculptures that fell were being burned to obtain lime for building.[9] Although his original intention was only to document the sculptures, in 1801 Lord Elgin began to remove material from the Parthenon and its surrounding structures[30] under the supervision of Lusieri. Pieces were also removed from the Erechtheion, the Propylaia, and the Temple of Athena Nike, all inside the Acropolis.

The excavation and removal was completed in 1812 at a personal cost to Elgin of around £70,000.[31] Elgin intended to use the marbles to decorate Broomhall House, his private home near Dunfermline in Scotland,[32] but a costly divorce suit forced him to sell them to settle his debts.[33] Elgin sold the Parthenon Marbles to the British government for less than it cost him to procure them, declining higher offers from other potential buyers, including Napoleon.[30]

Description
Main articles: Parthenon Frieze and Metopes of the Parthenon
The Parthenon Marbles acquired by Elgin include some 21 figures from the statuary from the east and west pediments, 15 of an original 92 metope panels depicting battles between the Lapiths and the Centaurs, as well as 75 meters of the Parthenon Frieze which decorated the horizontal course set above the interior architrave of the temple. As such, they represent more than half of what now remains of the surviving sculptural decoration of the Parthenon.

Elgin's acquisitions also included objects from other buildings on the Athenian Acropolis: a Caryatid from Erechtheum; four slabs from the parapet frieze of the Temple of Athena Nike; and a number of other architectural fragments of the Parthenon, Propylaia, Erechtheum, the Temple of Athene Nike, and the Treasury of Atreus.

Legality of the removal from Athens
The Acropolis was at that time an Ottoman military fort, so Elgin required special permission to enter the site, the Parthenon, and the surrounding buildings. He stated that he had obtained a firman from the Sultan which allowed his artists to access the site, but he was unable to produce the original documentation. However, Elgin presented a document claimed to be an English translation of an Italian copy made at the time. This document is now kept in the British Museum.[34] Its authenticity has been questioned, as it lacked the formalities characterising edicts from the sultan. Vassilis Demetriades, Professor of Turkish Studies at the University of Crete, has argued that "any expert in Ottoman diplomatic language can easily ascertain that the original of the document which has survived was not a firman".[7] The document was recorded in an appendix of an 1816 parliamentary committee report. 'The committee permission' had convened to examine a request by Elgin asking the British government to purchase the Marbles. The report said that the document[35] in the appendix was an accurate translation, in English, of an Ottoman firman dated July 1801. In Elgin's view it amounted to an Ottoman authorisation to remove the marbles. The committee was told that the original document was given to Ottoman officials in Athens in 1801. Researchers have so far failed to locate it despite the fact that firmans, being official decrees by the Sultan, were meticulously recorded as a matter of procedure, and that the Ottoman archives in Istanbul still hold a number of similar documents dating from the same period.[6]

The parliamentary record shows that the Italian copy of the firman was not presented to the committee by Elgin himself but by one of his associates, the clergyman Rev. Philip Hunt. Hunt, who at the time resided in Bedford, was the last witness to appear before the committee and stated that he had in his possession an Italian translation of the Ottoman original. He went on to explain that he had not brought the document, because, upon leaving Bedford, he was not aware that he was to testify as a witness. The English document in the parliamentary report was filed by Hunt, but the committee was not presented with the Italian translation in Hunt's possession. William St. Clair, a contemporary biographer of Lord Elgin, said he possessed Hunt's Italian document and "vouches for the accuracy of the English translation". The committee report states on page 69 "(Signed with a signet.) Seged Abdullah Kaimacan" - however, the document presented to the committee was "an English translation of this purported translation into Italian of the original firman",[36] and had neither signet nor signature on it, a fact corroborated by St. Clair.[37] The 1967 study by British historian William St. Clair, Lord Elgin and the Marbles, stated the sultan did not allow the removal of statues and reliefs from the Parthenon. The study judged a clause authorizing the British to take stones “with old inscriptions and figures” probably meant items in the excavations the site, not the art decorating the temples.[38]

The document allowed Elgin and his team to erect scaffolding so as to make drawings and mouldings in chalk or gypsum, as well as to measure the remains of the ruined buildings and excavate the foundations which may have become covered in the [ghiaja (meaning gravel, debris)]; and "...that when they wish to take away [qualche (meaning 'some' or 'a few')] pieces of stone with old inscriptions or figures thereon, that no opposition be made thereto". The interpretation of these lines has been questioned even by non-restitutionalists,[39][40] particularly the word qualche, which in modern language should be translated as a few but can also mean any. According to non-restitutionalists, further evidence that the removal of the sculptures by Elgin was approved by the Ottoman authorities is shown by a second firman which was required for the shipping of the marbles from Piraeus.[41]

Many have questioned the legality of Elgin's actions, including the legitimacy of the documentation purportedly authorising them. A study by Professor David Rudenstine of the Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law concluded that the premise that Elgin obtained legal title to the marbles, which he then transferred to the British government, "is certainly not established and may well be false".[42] Rudenstine's argumentation is partly based on a translation discrepancy he noticed between the surviving Italian document and the English text submitted by Hunt to the parliamentary committee. The text from the committee report reads "We therefore have written this Letter to you, and expedited it by Mr. Philip Hunt, an English Gentleman, Secretary of the aforesaid Ambassador" but according to the St. Clair Italian document the actual wording is "We therefore have written this letter to you and expedited it by N.N.". In Rudenstine's view, this substitution of "Mr. Philip Hunt" with the initials "N.N." can hardly be a simple mistake. He further argues that the document was presented after the committee's insistence that some form of Ottoman written authorisation for the removal of the marbles be provided, a fact known to Hunt by the time he testified. Thus, according to Rudenstine, "Hunt put himself in a position in which he could simultaneously vouch for the authenticity of the document and explain why he alone had a copy of it fifteen years after he surrendered the original to Ottoman officials in Athens". On two earlier occasions, Elgin stated that the Ottomans gave him written permissions more than once, but that he had "retained none of them." Hunt testified on March 13, and one of the questions asked was "Did you ever see any of the written permissions which were granted [to Lord Elgin] for removing the Marbles from the Temple of Minerva?" to which Hunt answered "yes", adding that he possessed an Italian translation of the original firman. Nonetheless, he did not explain why he had retained the translation for 15 years, whereas Elgin, who had testified two weeks earlier, knew nothing about the existence of any such document.[37]

English travel writer Edward Daniel Clarke, an eyewitness, wrote that the Dizdar, the Ottoman fortress commander on the scene, attempted to stop the removal of the metopes but was bribed to allow it to continue.[43] In contrast, John Merryman, Sweitzer Professor of Law at Stanford Law School and also Professor of Art at Stanford University, putting aside the discrepancy presented by Rudenstine, argues that since the Ottomans had controlled Athens since 1460, their claims to the artefacts were legal and recognisable. Sultan Selim III was grateful to the British for repelling Napoleonic expansion, and unlike his ancestor Mehmet II, the Parthenon marbles had no sentimental value to him.[30] Further, that written permission exists in the form of the firman, which is the most formal kind of permission available from that government, and that Elgin had further permission to export the marbles, legalises his (and therefore the British Museum's) claim to the Marbles.[41] He does note, though, that the clause concerning the extent of Ottoman authorisation to remove the marbles "is at best ambiguous", adding that the document "provides slender authority for the massive removals from the Parthenon ... The reference to 'taking away any pieces of stone' seems incidental, intended to apply to objects found while excavating. That was certainly the interpretation privately placed on the firman by several of the Elgin party, including Lady Elgin. Publicly, however, a different attitude was taken, and the work of dismantling the sculptures on the Parthenon and packing them for shipment to England began in earnest. In the process, Elgin's party damaged the structure, leaving the Parthenon not only denuded of its sculptures but further ruined by the process of removal. It is certainly arguable that Elgin exceeded the authority granted in the firman in both respects".[44]

The issue of firmans of this nature, along with universally required bribes, was not unusual at this time: In 1801 for example, Edward Clarke and his assistant John Marten Cripps, obtained an authorisation from the governor of Athens for the removal of a statue of the goddess Demeter which was at Eleusis, with the intervention of Italian artist Giovanni Battista Lusieri who was Lord Elgin's assistant at the time.[45] Prior to Clarke, the statue had been discovered in 1676 by the traveller George Wheler, and since then several ambassadors had submitted unsuccessful applications for its removal,[46][47] but Clarke had been the one to remove the statue by force,[48] after bribing the waiwode of Athens and obtaining a firman,[46] despite the objections and a riot,[48][49] of the local population who unofficially, and against the traditions of the iconoclastic Church, worshiped the statue as the uncanonised Saint Demetra (Greek: Αγία Δήμητρα).[48] The people would adorn the statue with garlands,[48] and believed that the goddess was able to bring fertility to their fields and that the removal of the statue would cause that benefit to disappear.[46][48][50][51] Clarke also removed other marbles from Greece such as a statue of Pan, a figure of Eros, a comic mask, various reliefs and funerary steles, amongst others. Clarke donated these to the University of Cambridge and subsequently in 1803 the statue of Demeter was displayed at the university library. The collection was later moved to the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge where it formed one of the two main collections of the institution.[46]

Contemporary reaction
When the marbles were shipped to England, they were "an instant success among many"[9] who admired the sculptures and supported their arrival, but both the sculptures and Elgin also received criticism from detractors. Lord Elgin began negotiations for the sale of the collection to the British Museum in 1811, but negotiations failed despite the support of British artists[9] after the government showed little interest. Many Britons opposed purchase of the statues because they were in bad condition and therefore did not display the "ideal beauty" found in other sculpture collections.[9] The following years marked an increased interest in classical Greece, and in June 1816, after parliamentary hearings, the House of Commons offered £35,000 in exchange for the sculptures. Even at the time the acquisition inspired much debate, although it was supported by "many persuasive calls" for the purchase.[9]

Lord Byron strongly objected to the removal of the marbles from Greece, denouncing Elgin as a vandal.[10] His point of view about the removal of the Marbles from Athens is also mentioned in his narrative poem Childe Harold's Pilgrimage, published in 1812, which itself was largely inspired by Byron's travels around the Mediterranean and the Aegean Sea between 1809 and 1811:[52]

Dull is the eye that will not weep to see
Thy walls defaced, thy mouldering shrines removed
By British hands, which it had best behoved
To guard those relics ne'er to be restored.
Curst be the hour when from their isle they roved,
And once again thy hapless bosom gored,
And snatch'd thy shrinking gods to northern climes abhorred!
Byron was not the only one to protest against the removal at the time:

"The Honourable Lord has taken advantage of the most unjustifiable means and has committed the most flagrant pillages. It was, it seems, fatal that a representative of our country loot those objects that the Turks and other barbarians had considered sacred," said Sir John Newport.[53]
Edward Daniel Clarke witnessed the removal of the metopes and called the action a "spoliation", writing that "thus the form of the temple has sustained a greater injury than it had already experienced from the Venetian artillery," and that "neither was there a workman employed in the undertaking ... who did not express his concern that such havoc should be deemed necessary, after moulds and casts had been already made of all the sculpture which it was designed to remove."[43] When Sir Francis Ronalds visited Athens and Giovanni Battista Lusieri in 1820, he wrote that "If Lord Elgin had possessed real taste in lieu of a covetous spirit he would have done just the reverse of what he has, he would have removed the rubbish and left the antiquities."[54][55]

A parliamentary committee investigating the situation concluded that the monuments were best given "asylum" under a "free government" such as the British one.[9] In 1810, Elgin published a defence of his actions,[4] but the subject remained controversial.[citation needed] John Keats viewed them in 1817 when they were exhibited in the British Museum, hence his famous sonnet about the marbles titled "On Seeing the Elgin Marbles". Notable supporters of Elgin included the painter Benjamin Robert Haydon.[9]

A public debate in Parliament followed Elgin's publication, and Parliament again exonerated Elgin's actions. Parliament decided to purchase the marbles for the "British nation" in 1816 by a vote of 82–30 for £35,000.[10] They were deposited in the British Museum, where they were displayed in the Elgin Saloon (constructed in 1832), until the Duveen Gallery was completed in 1939. Crowds packed the British Museum to view the sculptures, setting attendance records for the museum.[9] William Wordsworth viewed the marbles at the museum and commented favourably on their aesthetics.[56]

Damage
Morosini
Prior damage to the marbles was sustained during successive wars, and it was during such conflicts that the Parthenon and its artwork sustained, by far, the most extensive damage. In particular, an explosion ignited by Venetian gun and cannon-fire bombardment in 1687, whilst the Parthenon was used as a munitions store during the Ottoman rule, destroyed or damaged many pieces of Parthenon art, including some of that later taken by Lord Elgin.[57] It was this explosion that sent the marble roof, most of the cella walls, 14 columns from the north and south peristyles, and carved metopes and frieze blocks flying and crashing to the ground, destroying much of the artwork. Further damage to the Parthenon's artwork occurred when the Venetian general Francesco Morosini looted the site of its larger sculptures. The tackle he was using to remove the sculptures proved to be faulty and snapped, dropping an over-life-sized sculpture of Poseidon and the horses of Athena's chariot from the west pediment on to the rock of the Acropolis 40 feet (12 m) below.[58]

War of Independence
The Erechtheion was used as a munitions store by the Ottomans during the Greek War of Independence[59] (1821–1833) which ended the 355-year Ottoman rule of Athens. The Acropolis was besieged twice during the war, first by the Greeks in 1821–22 and then by the Ottoman forces in 1826–27. During the first siege the besieged Ottoman forces attempted to melt the lead in the columns to cast bullets, even prompting the Greeks to offer their own bullets to the Ottomans in order to minimize damage.[60]

Elgin
Elgin consulted with Italian sculptor Antonio Canova in 1803 about how best to restore the marbles. Canova was considered by some to be the world's best sculptural restorer of the time; Elgin wrote that Canova declined to work on the marbles for fear of damaging them further.[9]

To facilitate transport by Elgin, the columns' capitals and many metopes and frieze slabs were either hacked off the main structure or sawn and sliced into smaller sections, causing irreparable damage to the Parthenon itself.[61][62] One shipload of marbles on board the British brig Mentor [63] was caught in a storm off Cape Matapan in southern Greece and sank near Kythera, but was salvaged at the Earl's personal expense;[64] it took two years to bring them to the surface.

British Museum
he artefacts held in London suffered from 19th-century pollution which persisted until the mid-20th century and have suffered irreparable damage by previous cleaning methods employed by British Museum staff.[66]

As early as 1838, scientist Michael Faraday was asked to provide a solution to the problem of the deteriorating surface of the marbles. The outcome is described in the following excerpt from the letter he sent to Henry Milman, a commissioner for the National Gallery.[67][68]

The marbles generally were very dirty ... from a deposit of dust and soot. ... I found the body of the marble beneath the surface white. ... The application of water, applied by a sponge or soft cloth, removed the coarsest dirt. ... The use of fine, gritty powder, with the water and rubbing, though it more quickly removed the upper dirt, left much embedded in the cellular surface of the marble. I then applied alkalies, both carbonated and caustic; these quickened the loosening of the surface dirt ... but they fell far short of restoring the marble surface to its proper hue and state of cleanliness. I finally used dilute nitric acid, and even this failed. ... The examination has made me despair of the possibility of presenting the marbles in the British Museum in that state of purity and whiteness which they originally possessed.

A further effort to clean the marbles ensued in 1858. Richard Westmacott, who was appointed superintendent of the "moving and cleaning the sculptures" in 1857, in a letter approved by the British Museum Standing Committee on 13 March 1858 concluded[69]

I think it my duty to say that some of the works are much damaged by ignorant or careless moulding – with oil and lard – and by restorations in wax and resin. These mistakes have caused discolouration. I shall endeavour to remedy this without, however, having recourse to any composition that can injure the surface of the marble.

Yet another effort to clean the marbles occurred in 1937–38. This time the incentive was provided by the construction of a new Gallery to house the collection. The Pentelic marble mined from Mount Pentelicus north of Athens, from which the sculptures are made, naturally acquires a tan colour similar to honey when exposed to air; this colouring is often known as the marble's "patina"[70] but Lord Duveen, who financed the whole undertaking, acting under the misconception that the marbles were originally white[71] probably arranged for the team of masons working in the project to remove discolouration from some of the sculptures. The tools used were seven scrapers, one chisel and a piece of carborundum stone. They are now deposited in the British Museum's Department of Preservation.[71][72] The cleaning process scraped away some of the detailed tone of many carvings.[73] According to Harold Plenderleith, the surface removed in some places may have been as much as one-tenth of an inch (2.5 mm).[71]

The British Museum has responded with the statement that "mistakes were made at that time."[74] On another occasion it was said that "the damage had been exaggerated for political reasons" and that "the Greeks were guilty of excessive cleaning of the marbles before they were brought to Britain."[72] During the international symposium on the cleaning of the marbles, organised by the British Museum in 1999, curator Ian Jenkins, deputy keeper of Greek and Roman antiquities, remarked that "The British Museum is not infallible, it is not the Pope. Its history has been a series of good intentions marred by the occasional cock-up, and the 1930s cleaning was such a cock-up". Nonetheless, he claimed that the prime cause for the damage inflicted upon the marbles was the 2000-year-long weathering on the Acropolis.[75]

American archeologist Dorothy King, in a newspaper article, wrote that techniques similar to the ones used in 1937–38 were applied by Greeks as well in more recent decades than the British, and maintained that Italians still find them acceptable.[30] The British Museum said that a similar cleaning of the Temple of Hephaestus in the Athenian Agora was carried out by the conservation team of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens[76] in 1953 using steel chisels and brass wire.[64] According to the Greek ministry of Culture, the cleaning was carefully limited to surface salt crusts.[75] The 1953 American report concluded that the techniques applied were aimed at removing the black deposit formed by rain-water and "brought out the high technical quality of the carving" revealing at the same time "a few surviving particles of colour".[76]

Documents released by the British Museum under the Freedom of Information Act revealed that a series of minor accidents, thefts and acts of vandalism by visitors have inflicted further damage to the sculptures.[77] This includes an incident in 1961 when two schoolboys knocked off a part of a centaur's leg. In June 1981, a west pediment figure was slightly chipped by a falling glass skylight, and in 1966 four shallow lines were scratched on the back of one of the figures by vandals. In 1970 letters were scratched on to the upper right thigh of another figure. Four years later, the dowel hole in a centaur's hoof was damaged by thieves trying to extract pieces of lead.[77]
Athens
Air pollution and acid rain have damaged the marble and stonework.[78] The last remaining slabs from the western section of the Parthenon frieze were removed from the monument in 1993 for fear of further damage.[79] They have now been transported to the New Acropolis Museum.[78]

Until cleaning of the remaining marbles was completed in 2005,[80] black crusts and coatings were present on the marble surface.[81] The laser technique applied on the 14 slabs that Elgin did not remove revealed a surprising array of original details, such as the original chisel marks and the veins on the horses' bellies. Similar features in the British Museum collection have been scraped and scrubbed with chisels to make the marbles look white.[82][83] Between January 20 and the end of March 2008, 4200 items (sculptures, inscriptions small terracotta objects), including some 80 artefacts dismantled from the monuments in recent years, were removed from the old museum on the Acropolis to the new Parthenon Museum.[84][85] Natural disasters have also affected the Parthenon. In 1981, an earthquake caused damage to the east façade.[86]

Since 1975, Greece has been restoring the Acropolis. This restoration has included replacing the thousands of rusting iron clamps and supports that had previously been used, with non-corrosive titanium rods;[87] removing surviving artwork from the building into storage and subsequently into a new museum built specifically for the display of the Parthenon art; and replacing the artwork with high-quality replicas. This process has come under fire from some groups as some buildings have been completely dismantled, including the dismantling of the Temple of Athena Nike and for the unsightly nature of the site due to the necessary cranes and scaffolding.[87] But the hope is to restore the site to some of its former glory, which may take another 20 years and 70 million euros, though the prospect of the Acropolis being "able to withstand the most extreme weather conditions – earthquakes" is "little consolation to the tourists visiting the Acropolis" according to The Guardian.[87] Under continuous international pressure, Directors of the British Museum have not ruled out agreeing to what they call a "temporary" loan to the new museum, but state that it would be under the condition of Greece acknowledging the British Museum's claims to ownership
Relocation debate
Rationale for returning to Athens
Those arguing for the Marbles' return claim legal, moral and artistic grounds. Their arguments include:

The main stated aim of the Greek campaign is to reunite the Parthenon sculptures around the world in order to restore "organic elements" which "at present remain without cohesion, homogeneity and historicity of the monument to which they belong" and allow visitors to better appreciate them as a whole;[88][89][90]
Presenting all the extant Parthenon Marbles in their original historical and cultural environment would permit their "fuller understanding and interpretation";[89][91]
Precedents have been set with the return of fragments of the monument by Sweden,[92] the University of Heidelberg, Germany,[93] the Getty Museum in Los Angeles[93] and the Vatican;[94]
The marbles may have been obtained illegally and hence should be returned to their rightful owner;[95]
Returning the Parthenon sculptures (Greece is requesting only the return of sculptures from this particular building) would not set a precedent for other restitution claims because of the distinctively "universal value" of the Parthenon;[96]
Safekeeping of the marbles would be ensured at the New Acropolis Museum, situated to the south of the Acropolis hill. It was built to hold the Parthenon sculpture in natural sunlight that characterises the Athenian climate, arranged in the same way as they would have been on the Parthenon. The museum's facilities have been equipped with state-of-the-art technology for the protection and preservation of exhibits;[97]
The friezes are part of a single work of art, thus it was unintended that fragments of this piece be scattered across different locations;
Casts of the marbles would be just as able to demonstrate the cultural influences which Greek sculptures have had upon European art as would the original marbles, whereas the context with which the marbles belong cannot be replicated within the British Museum;
A poll suggested that more British people (37%) supported the marbles' restoration to Greece than opposed it (23%).[98]
In a 2018 interview to the Athens newspaper Ta Nea, British Labour party leader Jeremy Corbyn did not rule out returning the Marbles to Greece, stating, "As with anything stolen or taken from occupied or colonial possession—including artefacts looted from other countries in the past—we should be engaged in constructive talks with the Greek government about returning the sculptures."[99]

Rationale for retaining in London
A range of different arguments have been presented by scholars,[53] British political leaders and British Museum spokespersons over the years in defence of retention of the Elgin Marbles by the British Museum. The main points include:

the assertion that fulfilling all restitution claims would empty most of the world's great museums – this has also caused concerns among other European and American museums, with one potential target being the famous bust of Nefertiti in Berlin's Neues Museum; in addition, portions of Parthenon marbles are kept by many other European museums.[30] Advocates of the British Museum's position also point out that the Marbles in Britain receive about 6 million visitors per year as opposed to 1.5 million visitors to the Acropolis Museum. The removal of the Marbles to Greece would therefore, they argue, significantly reduce the number of people who have the opportunity to visit the Marbles.[100] The English Romantic poet John Keats, and the French sculptor Auguste Rodin, are notable examples of visitors to the Elgin Marbles after their removal to England who subsequently produced famous work inspired by them.[101][102]
the assertion that Modern Greeks have "no claim to the stones because you could see from their physiognomy that they were not descended from the men who had carved them," a quote attributed to Auberon Waugh[103]. In nineteenth century Western Europe, Greeks of the Classical period were widely imagined to have been light skinned and blond.[104] This view has been overturned by modern genetic research and is now widely understood as having racist underpinnings.[104]
the assertion that Greece could mount no court case, because Elgin claims to have been granted permission by what was then Greece's ruling government and a legal principle of limitation would apply, i.e., the ability to pursue claims expires after a period of time prescribed by law;[53]
The last was tested in the English High Court in May 2005 in relation to Nazi-looted Old Master artworks held at the British Museum, which the Museum's Trustees wished to return to the family of the original owner; the Court found that due to the British Museum Act 1963 these works could not be returned without further legislation. The judge, Mr Justice Morritt, found that the Act, which protects the collections for posterity, could not be overridden by a "moral obligation" to return works, even if they are believed to have been plundered.[105][106] It has been argued, however, that the case was not directly relevant to the Elgin Marbles, as it was about a transfer of ownership, and not the loan of artefacts for public exhibition overseas, which is provided for in the 1963 Act.[107]

Another argument for keeping the Elgin Marbles within the UK has been made by J. H. Merryman, Sweitzer Professor of Law at Stanford University and co-operating professor in the Stanford Art Department. He has argued that the Marbles are now established as a significant element of Britain's own cultural history, as "the Elgin Marbles have been in England since 1821 and in that time have become a part of the British cultural heritage."[108] He has also argued that if the Parthenon were actually being restored, there would be a moral argument for returning the Marbles to the temple whence they came, and thus restoring its integrity. The Guardian has written that many among those who support repatriation imply that the marbles would be displayed in their original position on the Parthenon.[30] However, the Greek plan is to transfer them from a museum in London to one in Athens. These arguments are perhaps complicated a little by the completion of the new Acropolis Museum in 2009, where the half not removed by Elgin is now displayed, aligned in orientation and within sight of the Parthenon, with the position of the missing elements clearly marked and space left should they be returned to Athens.[8]

The Trustees of the British Museum make the following statement on the Museum website in response to arguments for the relocation of the Elgin Marbles to the Acropolis Museum: "The Acropolis Museum allows the Parthenon sculptures that are in Athens to be appreciated against the backdrop of ancient Greek and Athenian history. This display does not alter the Trustees’ view that the sculptures are part of everyone’s shared heritage and transcend cultural boundaries. The Trustees remain convinced that the current division allows different and complementary stories to be told about the surviving sculptures, highlighting their significance for world culture and affirming the universal legacy of ancient Greece."[109][110]

Public perception of the issue
Popular support for restitution
Outside Greece a campaign for the Return of the Marbles began in 1981 with the formation of the International Organising Committee - Australia - for the Restitution of the Parthenon Marbles, and in 1983 with the formation of the British Committee for the Reunification of the Parthenon Marbles. International organisations such as UNESCO and the International Association for the Reunification of the Parthenon Sculptures, as well as campaign groups such as, Marbles Reunited, and stars of Hollywood, such as George Clooney and Matt Damon, as well as Human Rights activists, lawyers, and the people of the arts, voiced their strong support for the return of the Elgin Marbles to Greece.

American actor George Clooney voiced his support for the return by the United Kingdom and reunification of the Parthenon Marbles in Greece, during his promotional campaign for his 2014 film The Monuments Men which retells the story of Allied efforts to save important masterpieces of art and other culturally important items before their destruction by Hitler and the Nazis during World War II. His remarks regarding the Marbles reignited the debate in the United Kingdom about their return to their home country. Public polls were also carried out by newspapers in response to Clooney's stance on this matter.

An internet campaign site,[111] in part sponsored by Metaxa, aims to consolidate support for the return of the Elgin Marbles to the New Acropolis Museum in Athens.

Noted public intellectual Christopher Hitchens had, at numerous times, argued for their repatriation.[112]

In BBC TV Series QI (S12E07XL), host Stephen Fry provided his support for the return of the Elgin Marbles while recounting the story of the Greeks giving lead shot to their Ottoman Empire enemies, as the Ottomans were running out of ammunition, in order to prevent damage to the Acropolis. Fry had previously written a blog post along much the same lines in December 2011 entitled "A Modest Proposal", signing off with "It's time we lost our marbles".[113]

Opinion polls
A YouGov poll in 2014 suggested that more British people (37%) supported the marbles' restoration to Greece than opposed it (23%).[98]

In older polls, Ipsos MORI asked in 1998, "If there were a referendum on whether or not the Elgin Marbles should be returned to Greece, how would you vote?" This returned these values from the British general adult population:[114]

40% in favour of returning the marbles to Greece
15% in favour of keeping them at the British Museum
18% would not vote
27% had no opinion
Another opinion poll in 2002 (again carried out by MORI) showed similar results, with 40% of the British public in favour of returning the marbles to Greece, 16% in favour of keeping them within Britain and the remainder either having no opinion or would not vote.[115] When asked how they would vote if a number of conditions were met (including, but not limited to, a long-term loan whereby the British maintained ownership and joint control over maintenance) the number responding in favour of return increased to 56% and those in favour of keeping them dropped to 7%.

Both MORI poll results have been characterised by proponents of the return of the Marbles to Greece as representing a groundswell of public opinion supporting return, since the proportion explicitly supporting return to Greece significantly exceeds the number who are explicitly in favour of keeping the Marbles at the British Museum.[114][116]

Other displaced Parthenon art
The remainder of the surviving sculptures that are not in museums or storerooms in Athens are held in museums in various locations across Europe. The British Museum also holds additional fragments from the Parthenon sculptures acquired from various collections that have no connection with Lord Elgin.

The collection held in the British Museum includes the following material from the Acropolis:

Parthenon: 247 ft (75 m) of the original 524 ft (160 m) frieze
15 of the 92 metopes
17 pedimental figures, including a figure of a river-god, possibly the river Ilissos;[118]
various pieces of architecture
Erechtheion: a Caryatid, a column and other architectural members
Propylaia: Architectural members
Temple of Athena Nike: 4 slabs of the frieze and architectural members
British Museum loan
The British Museum lent the figure of a river-god, possibly the river Ilissos, to the State Hermitage Museum in Saint Petersburg to celebrate its 250th anniversary.[119] It was on display there from Saturday 6 December 2014 until Sunday 18 January 2015. This was the first time the British Museum had lent part of its Elgin Marbles collection and it caused considerable controversy.

The Call of the Wild (2020 film)

The Call of the Wild is a 2020 American adventure film based on the Jack London 1903 novel of the same name and Twentieth Century Pictures' previous 1935 film adaptation. The film is directed by Chris Sanders, in his live-action directorial debut, written by Michael Green, and stars Harrison Ford, Dan Stevens, Omar Sy, Karen Gillan, Bradley Whitford, and Colin Woodell.

The film is scheduled to be released on February 21, 2020 by 20th Century Studios. It received mixed reviews from critics, with some criticizing the CGI animals as uncanny, though others praised the "entertaining action and earnest tone".[5]
Cast
Harrison Ford as John Thornton
Dan Stevens as Hal
Omar Sy as Perrault
Karen Gillan as Mercedes
Bradley Whitford as Judge Miller
Colin Woodell as Charles
Cara Gee as Françoise
Scott MacDonald as Dawson
Actor and stunt coordinator Terry Notary stood-in for the CGI creation of Buck, whose model was scanned after an adopted dog.

Premise
A domesticated St. Bernard/Scotch Collie dog named Buck is stolen from his Santa Clara, California home and sold to freight haulers in Yukon. Crossing paths with a man named John Thornton, the two embark on an adventure where Buck finds his true place in the world.

Production
In October 2017, it was announced that 20th Century Fox was developing the film adaptation of the Jack London's 1903 novel The Call of the Wild, set in Yukon around 1890s about the Klondike Gold Rush, which would be directed by Chris Sanders from the script by Michael Green, and would be produced by Erwin Stoff.[6]

In July 2018, Harrison Ford and Dan Stevens were cast in the film, with Ford set to star as John Thornton, who goes on the hunt for gold. The film would get heavy special effects work from MPC Montréal.[7][8] In August 2018, Colin Woodell joined the cast.[9] In September, Omar Sy and Karen Gillan were added to the cast.[10][11] In October, Bradley Whitford joined the cast,[12] with Cara Gee joining in November.[13]

Principal photography on the film began in late-September 2018 in Los Angeles.[11] The movie was not shot on location, extensive use was made of CGI. Some of it was also shot on sets in Los Angeles and some exteriors in Santa Clarita, California.

Music
In January 2019, it was announced that John Powell will compose the film's score. Powell previously collaborated with Sanders on the 2010 DreamWorks Animation film How to Train Your Dragon.[1]

Powell recorded and mixed the score to The Call of the Wild in Los Angeles. He lists his long time collaborators Batu Sener and Paul Mounsey as additional composers on the soundtrack, which will be released from Hollywood Records on February 20, 2020.[14]

The tracklist of the soundtrack album was revealed on John Powell's social media[15]:

Wake the Girls
Train North
Skagway, Alaska
Snowy Climb
First Sledding Attempt
The Ghost Wolf of Dreams
Joining the Team
Ice Rescue
Sometimes Nature's Cruel and Gods Fight
Buck Takes the Lead
We Carry Love
Couldn't Find the Words
Overpacked Sled
Newfangled Telegram
In My Bed?
Buck & Thornton's Big Adventure
Finding Bears and Love in the Woods
They're All Gone
Rewilding
Animal Nature
Come Say Goodbye
What an Adventure
The Call of the Wild
Release
The film was originally going to be released on December 25, 2019, but was pushed back to February 21, 2020, following the acquisition of Fox by Disney, accommodating the release of Star Wars: The Rise of Skywalker and Spies in Disguise.[16]

The film will also be the first film released by the studio under the 20th Century Studios name, being rebranded from 20th Century Fox to reflect the acquisition.[17] Coincidentally, the 1935 adaptation of the novel was the last film released under the Twentieth Century Pictures name before it merged with Fox Film to form 20th Century-Fox.[18]

Reception
Box office
In the United States and Canada, the film will be released alongside Brahms: The Boy II, and is projected to gross around $15 million opening weekend.[5]

Critical response
On Rotten Tomatoes, the film holds an approval rating of 73% based on 51 reviews, with an average rating of 6.26/10. The site'd critics consensus reads: "It's undermined by distracting and unnecessary CGI, but this heartwarming Call of the Wild remains a classic story, affectionately retold."[19] On Metacritic, the film has a weighted average score of 54 out of 100, based on 21 critics, indicating "mixed or average reviews"

The Call of the Wild

The Call of the Wild is a short adventure novel by Jack London, published in 1903 and set in Yukon, Canada, during the 1890s Klondike Gold Rush, when strong sled dogs were in high demand. The central character of the novel is a dog named Buck. The story opens at a ranch in Santa Clara Valley, California, when Buck is stolen from his home and sold into service as a sled dog in Alaska. He becomes progressively feral in the harsh environment, where he is forced to fight to survive and dominate other dogs. By the end, he sheds the veneer of civilization, and relies on primordial instinct and learned experience to emerge as a leader in the wild.

London spent almost a year in the Yukon, and his observations form much of the material for the book. The story was serialized in The Saturday Evening Post in the summer of 1903 and was published a month later in book form. The book's great popularity and success made a reputation for London. As early as 1923, the story was adapted to film, and it has since seen several more cinematic adaptations.
Plot summary
The story opens with Buck, a powerful 140-pound St. Bernard–Scotch Collie mix,[1][2] living happily in California's Santa Clara Valley as the pampered pet of Judge Miller and his family in the summer of 1897. One night, Judge Miller's assistant gardener Manuel, desperately needing money, steals Buck. At first, Buck assumes that Manuel is simply walking him, but Manuel brings Buck directly to the College Park station and sells him to a stranger. Buck is shipped to Seattle. Put in a crate, he is starved and ill-treated. When released, Buck attacks his overseer who teaches Buck the "law of the club", hitting Buck until he is sufficiently cowed (but the man shows some kindness after Buck stops attacking). Buck is sold to two French-Canadian dispatchers from the Canadian government, François and Perrault, who take him to Alaska. They train him as a sled dog, and drive him through the Klondike region of Canada. From his teammates, he quickly learns to adapt to survive cold winter nights and the pack society. A rivalry develops between Buck and the lead dog, Spitz, a vicious and quarrelsome white husky. Buck eventually kills Spitz in a fight and becomes the lead dog.

When François and Perrault complete the round-trip of the Yukon Trail in record time—returning to Skagway with their dispatches—and are given new orders from the Canadian government, their team is then sold to a "Scotch half-breed" man, who is also working the mail service. The dogs must make long, tiring trips, carrying heavy loads to the mining areas. During this run of the trail, Buck seems to have memories of his canine ancestor hanging out with a short-legged "hairy man". Meanwhile, the weary dogs become weak, and the wheel dog, Dave, a morose husky, becomes terminally sick and is eventually shot.

With too few dogs to continue, François and Perrault sell the remaining three dogs, including Buck, to a trio of stampeders from the American Southland (present-day contiguous United States)—a spoiled woman named Mercedes, her sheepish husband Charles, and her arrogant brother Hal. They are inexperienced at surviving in the Northern wilderness, and struggle to control the sled, ignoring helpful advice from others—in particular, the warnings that the spring melt poses dangers. When Mercedes is told her sled is too heavy, she dumps out crucial supplies in favor of fashion objects. They also foolishly create a team of 14 dogs, erroneously thinking they can go faster with more dogs. They overfeed the over-worked dogs and then are forced to starve them when the food supply becomes low. Most dogs on the team die from either weakness, neglect, or sickness—leaving only five dogs when they pull into White River.

There, they meet John Thornton, an experienced outdoorsman, who notices the dogs have been poorly treated and are in a weakened condition. He warns the trio against crossing the river, but they ignore his advice and order Buck to move on. Exhausted, starving, and sensing the danger ahead, Buck refuses and continues to lie unmoving in the snow. After Buck is beaten by Hal, Thornton, disgusted by the driver's treatment of Buck, hits Hal with the butt of his ax and cuts Buck free from his traces. Unable to cross Thornton, the trio leaves and tries to cross the river with the four dogs remaining, but as Thornton warned, the ice breaks and the dogs and humans (and their sled) fall into the river and drown.

Buck comes to love and grows devoted to Thornton as he nurses him back to health. He saves Thornton when the man falls into a river. After Thornton takes him on trips to pan for gold, a bonanza king (someone who struck it rich in the gold fields), named Mr. Matthewson, wagers Thornton on the dog's strength and devotion. Buck wins the bet for Thornton by breaking a sled holding a half-ton (1,000-pound (450 kg)) load of flour free of the frozen ground, pulling it 100 yards (91 m) and winning Thornton US$1,600 in gold dust. A "king of the Skookum Benches" offers a large sum to buy Buck, but Thornton has grown fond of him and declines.

Using his winnings, Thornton retires his debts but elects to continue searching for gold with friends Pete and Hans—sledding Buck and six other dogs—looking for a fabled Lost Cabin. Once at a suitable gold find, the dogs have nothing to do—and Buck has more ancestor-memories of hanging out with the primitive "hairy man".[3] While Thornton and his two friends are panning in a campsite, Buck hears the call of the wild, explores the wilderness, and socializes with a Northwestern wolf from a local pack. However, Buck decides not to join the wolves and elects to return to Thornton. He repeatedly goes back and forth between Thornton and the wild. When returning to the campsite after strategically killing a bull moose, he finds Hans and Pete murdered, then sees Thornton has suffered the same fate—at the hands of a group of Native-American Yeehats. Enraged, Buck kills several of the natives to avenge Thornton, and he then realizes that he has no ties to humans and the law of club and fang, and goes to find his wild brother. He encounters a hostile pack of wolves and fights them. Buck wins the fight, then finds that the same wolf he had socialized with was in the pack he fought. Buck then follows the wolf and its pack into the forest and answers the call of the wild.

The legend of Buck is spread among other Native Americans as the "Ghost Dog" of the Northland (Alaska and northwestern Canada). Buck comes out of the backwoods once a year on the anniversary of his attack on the Yeehats, at the former campsite where he was last with Thornton, Hans, and Pete, in order to mourn their deaths—while each winter he heads the wolf-pack, wreaking vengeance on the Yeehats, "as he sings a song of the younger world, which is the song of the pack."

Main characters
Major dog characters:

Buck, the novel's protagonist; a 140-pound St. Bernard–Scotch Collie mix who lived a happy life in California with Judge Miller. However, he was stolen and sold to the Klondike by the gardener's assistant Manuel and was forced to work in harsh conditions of being a sled dog in the Yukon. He eventually finds a loving master named John Thornton and begins to grow feral as he becomes a part of the wild with a pack of wolves. After Thornton's death, he becomes free from humanity and becomes a legend in the Klondike.
Spitz, the main antagonist of the novel and Buck's arch-rival; a white-haired husky from Spitsbergen who had accompanied a geological survey into the Canadian Barrens. He has a long history as a sled-dog leader, and sees Buck's uncharacteristic ability, for a Southland dog, to adapt and thrive in the North as a threat to him. He repeatedly provokes fights with Buck, who bides his time.
Dave, the "wheel dog" at the back end of the dog-team. He is brought North with Buck and Spitz and is a faithful sled-dog who only wants to be left alone and led by an effective lead-dog. During his second down-trek on the Yukon Trail, he grows mortally weak, but the men accommodate his pride by allowing him to continue to drive the sled until he becomes so weak that he is euthanized.
Billie, a good-natured, appeasing husky who faithfully pulls the sled until being worked to death by Hal, Charles, and Mercedes.
Joe, Billie's brother, but with an opposite personality—"sour and introspective". Spitz is unable to discipline him, but Buck, after rising to the head of the team, brings him into line.
Sol-leks ("The Angry One"), a one-eyed husky who, unsurprisingly, doesn't like being approached from his blind side. Like Dave, he "expects nothing, gives nothing", and only cares about being left alone and having an effective leader.
Pike, "a clever malingerer and thief"; Dub, "an awkward blunderer ... always getting caught"; Teek; and Koona—additional huskies on the Yukon-Trail dog-team.
Skeet and Nig—two Southland dogs owned by John Thornton when he acquires Buck.
The Wild Brother, a lone wolf who befriends Buck.
Major human characters:

Judge Miller, Buck's first master who lived in Santa Clara Valley, California with his family. Unlike Thornton, he only expressed friendship with Buck, whereas Thornton expressed love.
Manuel, Judge Miller's assistant who sells Buck to the Klondike to pay off his gambling debt.
Perrault, a French-Canadian courier for the Canadian government who is Buck's first Northland master.
François, a French-Canadian half-breed who is Perrault's partner, the musher who drives the sled dogs.
Hal, an aggressive and violent musher who is Mercedes' brother and Charles' brother-in-law, and is inexperienced with the way of sled dogs.
Charles, Mercedes' husband who is less violent than Hal.
Mercedes, a spoiled and pampered woman who is Hal's sister and Charles' wife.
John Thornton, a gold hunter who is Buck's final master until he is killed by the Yeehats.
Pete and Hans—John Thornton's two partners as he pans for gold in the East.
The Yeehats, a tribe of Native Americans. After they kill John Thornton, Buck attacks them, and "dogs" them ever after, after going wild—making sure they never re-enter the valley where his last master was murdered.
The Man in the Red Sweater, a trainer who beats Buck to teach him the law of the club.
Background
California native Jack London had traveled around the United States as a hobo, returned to California to finish high school (he dropped out at age 14), and spent a year in college at Berkeley, when in 1897 he went to the Klondike by way of Alaska during the height of the Klondike Gold Rush. Later, he said of the experience: "It was in the Klondike I found myself."[4]

He left California in July and traveled by boat to Dyea, Alaska, where he landed and went inland. To reach the gold fields, he and his party transported their gear over the Chilkoot Pass, often carrying loads as heavy as 100 pounds (45 kg) on their backs. They were successful in staking claims to eight gold mines along the Stewart River.[5]

London stayed in the Klondike for almost a year, living temporarily in the frontier town of Dawson City, before moving to a nearby winter camp, where he spent the winter in a temporary shelter reading books he had brought: Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species and John Milton's Paradise Lost.[6] In the winter of 1898, Dawson City was a city comprising about 30,000 miners, a saloon, an opera house, and a street of brothels.[7]


Klondike routes map. The section connecting Dyea/Skagway with Dawson is referred to by London as the "Yukon Trail".
In the spring, as the annual gold stampeders began to stream in, London left. He had contracted scurvy, common in the Arctic winters where fresh produce was unavailable. When his gums began to swell he decided to return to California. With his companions, he rafted 2,000 miles (3,200 km) down the Yukon River, through portions of the wildest territory in the region, until they reached St. Michael. There, he hired himself out on a boat to earn return passage to San Francisco.[8]

In Alaska, London found the material that inspired him to write The Call of the Wild.[4] Dyea Beach was the primary point of arrival for miners when London traveled through there, but because its access was treacherous Skagway soon became the new arrival point for prospectors.[9] To reach the Klondike, miners had to navigate White Pass, known as "Dead Horse Pass", where horse carcasses littered the route because they could not survive the harsh and steep ascent. Horses were replaced with dogs as pack animals to transport material over the pass;[10] particularly strong dogs with thick fur were "much desired, scarce and high in price".[11]

London would have seen many dogs, especially prized Husky sled dogs, in Dawson City and in the winter camps situated close to the main sled route. He was friends with Marshall Latham Bond and his brother Louis Whitford Bond, the owners of a mixed St. Bernard-Scotch Collie dog about which London later wrote: "Yes, Buck is based on your dog at Dawson."[12] Beinecke Library at Yale University holds a photograph of Bond's dog, taken during London's stay in the Klondike in 1897. The depiction of the California ranch at the beginning of the story was based on the Bond family ranch.[13]

Publication history
On his return to California, London was unable to find work and relied on odd jobs such as cutting grass. He submitted a query letter to the San Francisco Bulletin proposing a story about his Alaskan adventure, but the idea was rejected because, as the editor told him, "Interest in Alaska has subsided in an amazing degree."[8] A few years later, London wrote a short story about a dog named Bâtard who, at the end of the story, kills his master. London sold the piece to Cosmopolitan Magazine, which published it in the June 1902 issue under the title "Diablo – A Dog".[14] London's biographer, Earle Labor, says that London then began work on The Call of the Wild to "redeem the species" from his dark characterization of dogs in "Bâtard". Expecting to write a short story, London explains: "I meant it to be a companion to my other dog story 'Bâtard' ... but it got away from me, and instead of 4,000 words it ran 32,000 before I could call a halt."[15]

Written as a frontier story about the gold rush, The Call of the Wild was meant for the pulp market. It was first published in four installments in The Saturday Evening Post, which bought it for $750 in 1903.[16][17] In the same year, London sold all rights to the story for $2,500 to Macmillan, which published it in book format.[17] The book has never been out of print since that time.[17]

Editions
The first edition, by Macmillan, released in August 1903, had 10 tipped-in color plates by illustrators Philip R. Goodwin and Charles Livingston Bull, and a color frontispiece by Charles Edward Hooper; it sold for $1.50.[18][19] It is presently available with the original illustrations at the Internet Archive.[20]
Genre
The Call of the Wild falls into the genre of animal fiction, in which an animal is anthropomorphized and given human traits. In the story, London attributes human thoughts and insights to Buck, so much so that when the story was published he was accused of being a nature faker for attributing "unnatural" feelings to a dog.[21] Along with his contemporaries Frank Norris and Theodore Dreiser, London was influenced by the naturalism of European writers such as Émile Zola, in which themes such as heredity versus environment were explored. London's use of the genre gave it a new vibrancy, according to scholar Richard Lehan.[22]

The story is also an example of American pastoralism—a prevailing theme in American literature—in which the mythic hero returns to nature. As with other characters of American literature, such as Rip van Winkle and Huckleberry Finn, Buck symbolizes a reaction against industrialization and social convention with a return to nature. London presents the motif simply, clearly, and powerfully in the story, a motif later echoed by 20th century American writers William Faulkner and Ernest Hemingway (most notably in "Big Two-Hearted River").[23] E.L. Doctorow says of the story that it is "fervently American".[24]

The enduring appeal of the story, according to American literature scholar Donald Pizer, is that it is a combination of allegory, parable, and fable. The story incorporates elements of age-old animal fables, such as Aesop's Fables, in which animals speak truth, and traditional beast fables, in which the beast "substitutes wit for insight".[25] London was influenced by Rudyard Kipling's The Jungle Book, written a few years earlier, with its combination of parable and animal fable,[26] and by other animal stories popular in the early 20th century. In The Call of the Wild, London intensifies and adds layers of meaning that are lacking in these stories.[15]

As a writer London tended to skimp on form, according to biographer Labor, and neither The Call of the Wild nor White Fang "is a conventional novel".[27] The story follows the archetypal "myth of the hero"; Buck, who is the hero, takes a journey, is transformed, and achieves an apotheosis. The format of the story is divided into four distinct parts, according to Labor. In the first part, Buck experiences violence and struggles for survival; in the second part, he proves himself a leader of the pack; the third part brings him to his death (symbolically and almost literally); and in the fourth and final part, he undergoes rebirth.[28]

Themes
London's story is a tale of survival and a return to primitivism. Pizer writes that: "the strong, the shrewd, and the cunning shall prevail when ... life is bestial".[29]

Pizer also finds evident in the story a Christian theme of love and redemption, as shown by Buck's refusal to revert to violence until after the death of Thornton, who had won Buck's love and loyalty.[30] London, who went so far as to fight for custody of one of his own dogs, understood that loyalty between dogs (particularly working dogs) and their masters is built on trust and love.
Writing in the "Introduction" to the Modern Library edition of The Call of the Wild, E. L. Doctorow says the theme is based on Darwin's concept of survival of the fittest. London places Buck in conflict with humans, in conflict with the other dogs, and in conflict with his environment—all of which he must challenge, survive, and conquer.[24] Buck, a domesticated dog, must call on his atavistic hereditary traits to survive; he must learn to be wild to become wild, according to Tina Gianquitto. He learns that in a world where the "club and the fang" are law, where the law of the pack rules and a good-natured dog such as Curly can be torn to pieces by pack members, that survival by whatever means is paramount.[32]

London also explores the idea of "nature vs. nurture". Buck, raised as a pet, is by heredity a wolf. The change of environment brings up his innate characteristics and strengths to the point where he fights for survival and becomes leader of the pack. Pizer describes how the story reflects human nature in its prevailing theme of the strength, particularly in the face of harsh circumstances.[30]

The veneer of civilization is thin and fragile, writes Doctorow, and London exposes the brutality at the core of humanity and the ease with which humans revert to a state of primitivism.[24] His interest in Marxism is evident in the sub-theme that humanity is motivated by materialism; and his interest in Nietzschean philosophy is shown by Buck's characterization.[24] Gianquitto writes that in Buck's characterization, London created a type of Nietschean Übermensch – in this case a dog that reaches mythic proportions.[33]

Doctorow sees the story as a caricature of a bildungsroman – in which a character learns and grows – in that Buck becomes progressively less civilized.[24] Gianquitto explains that Buck has evolved to the point that he is ready to join a wolf pack, which has a social structure uniquely adapted to and successful in the harsh arctic environment, unlike humans, who are weak in the harsh environment.[34]

Writing style

The first chapter opens with the first quatrain of John Myers O'Hara's poem, Atavism,[35] published in 1902 in The Bookman. The stanza outlines one of the main motifs of The Call of the Wild: that Buck when removed from the "sun-kissed" Santa Clara Valley where he was raised, will revert to his wolf heritage with its innate instincts and characteristics.[36]

The themes are conveyed through London's use of symbolism and imagery which, according to Labor, vary in the different phases of the story. The imagery and symbolism in the first phase, to do with the journey and self-discovery, depict physical violence, with strong images of pain and blood. In the second phase, fatigue becomes a dominant image and death is a dominant symbol, as Buck comes close to being killed. The third phase is a period of renewal and rebirth and takes place in the spring, before ending with the fourth phase, when Buck fully reverts to nature is placed in a vast and "weird atmosphere", a place of pure emptiness.[37]

The setting is allegorical. The southern lands represent the soft, materialistic world; the north symbolizes a world beyond civilization and is inherently competitive.[30] The harshness, brutality, and emptiness in Alaska reduce life to its essence, as London learned, and shows in Buck's story. Buck must defeat Spitz, the dog who symbolically tries to get ahead and take control. When Buck is sold to Charles, Hal, and Mercedes, he finds himself in a camp that is dirty. They treat their dogs badly; they are artificial interlopers in the pristine landscape. Conversely, Buck's next masters, John Thornton, and his two companions are described as "living close to the earth". They keep a clean camp, treat their animals well, and represent man's nobility in nature.[23] Unlike Buck, Thornton loses his fight with his fellow species, and not until Thornton's death does Buck revert fully to the wild and his primordial state.[38]

The characters too are symbolic of types. Charles, Hal, and Mercedes symbolize vanity and ignorance, while Thornton and his companions represent loyalty, purity, and love.[30] Much of the imagery is stark and simple with an emphasis on images of cold, snow, ice, darkness, meat, and blood.[38]

London varied his prose style to reflect the action. He wrote in an over-affected style in his descriptions of Charles, Hal, and Mercedes' camp as a reflection of their intrusion in the wilderness. Conversely, when describing Buck and his actions, London wrote in a style that was pared down and simple—a style that would influence and be the forebear of Hemingway's style.[23]

The story was written as a frontier adventure and in such a way that it worked well as a serial. As Doctorow points out, it is good episodic writing that embodies the style of magazine adventure writing popular in that period. "It leaves us with satisfaction at its outcome, a story well and truly told," he said.[24]

Reception and legacy
The Call of the Wild was enormously popular from the moment it was published. H. L. Menken wrote of London's story: "No other popular writer of his time did any better writing than you will find in The Call of the Wild."[4] A reviewer for The New York Times wrote of it in 1903: "If nothing else makes Mr. London's book popular, it ought to be rendered so by the complete way in which it will satisfy the love of dog fights apparently inherent in every man."[39] The reviewer for The Atlantic Monthly wrote that it was a book: "untouched by bookishness...The making and the achievement of such a hero [Buck] constitute, not a pretty story at all, but a very powerful one."[40]

The book secured London a place in the canon of American literature.[33] The first printing of 10,000 copies sold out immediately; it is still one of the best known stories written by an American author, and continues to be read and taught in schools.[24][41] It has been published in 47 languages.[42] London's first success, the book secured his prospects as a writer and gained him a readership that stayed with him throughout his career.[24][33]

After the success of The Call of the Wild London wrote to Macmillan in 1904 proposing a second book (White Fang) in which he wanted to describe the opposite of Buck: a dog that transforms from wild to tame: "I'm going to reverse the process...Instead of devolution of decivilization ... I'm going to give the evolution, the civilization of a dog."[43]

Adaptations
The first adaptation of London's story was a silent film made in 1923.[44] The 1935 version starring Clark Gable and Loretta Young expanded John Thornton's role and was the first "talkie" to feature the story. The 1972 movie The Call of the Wild, starring Charlton Heston as John Thornton, was filmed in Finland.[45]  The 1978 Snoopy TV special What a Nightmare, Charlie Brown! is another adaptation. In 1981, an anime film titled Call of the Wild: Howl Buck was released, starring Mike Reynolds and Bryan Cranston. A 1997 adaptation called The Call of the Wild: Dog of the Yukon starred Rutger Hauer and was narrated by Richard Dreyfuss. The Hollywood Reporter said that Graham Ludlow's adaptation was, "... a pleasant surprise. Much more faithful to Jack London's 1903 classic than the two Hollywood versions."[46]

A comic adaptation had been made in 1998 for Boys Life magazine. Due to cultural sensitivities, the Yeehat Indians are omitted, and John Thornton's killers are now white criminals, who as before, are also killed by Buck.

Chris Sanders is directing another film adaptation titled The Call of the Wild, a live-action/computer-animated film scheduled to release on February 21, 2020 by 20th Century Studios. Harrison Ford will star as the lead role and Terry Notary will portray Buck through motion capture.[47]

References
 London 1998, p. 4.
 London 1903, Chapter 1.
 London 1903, Chapter 7.
 "Jack London" 1998, p. vi.
 Courbier-Tavenier, p. 240.
 Courbier-Tavenier, p. 240–241.
 Dyer, p. 60.
 Labor & Reesman, pp. 16–17.
 Giantquitto, 'Endnotes', pp. 294–295.
 Dyer, p. 59.
 "Comments and Questions", p. 301.
 Courbier-Tavenier, p. 242.
 Doon.
 Labor & Reesman, pp. 39–40.
 Labor & Reesman, p. 40.
 Doctorow, p. xi.
 Dyer, p. 61.
 Smith, p. 409.
 Leypoldt, p. 201.
 London, Jack (1903). The Call of the Wild. Illustrated by Philip R. Goodwin and Charles Livingston Bull (First ed.). MacMillan.
 Pizer, pp. 108–109.
 Lehan, p. 47.
 Benoit, p. 246–248.
 Doctorow, p. xv.
 Pizer, p. 107.
 Pizer, p. 108.
 Labor & Reesman, p. 38.
 Labor & Reesman, pp. 41–46.
 Pizer, p. 110.
 Pizer, pp. 109–110.
 Giantquitto, 'Introduction', p. xxiv.
 Giantquitto, 'Introduction', p. xvii.
 Giantquitto, 'Introduction', p. xiii.
 Giantquitto, 'Introduction', pp. xx–xxi.
 London 1998, p. 3.
 Giantquitto, 'Endnotes', p. 293.
 Labor & Reesman, pp. 41–45.
 Doctorow, p. xiv.
 "Comments and Questions", p. 302.
 "Comments and Questions", pp. 302–303.
 Giantquitto, 'Introduction', p. xxii.
 WorldCat.
 Labor & Reesman, p. 46.
 "Call of the Wild, 1923". Silent Hollywood.com.
 "Inspired", p. 298.
 Hunter, David (1997-02-10). "The Call of the Wild". The Hollywood Reporter. p. 11.
 D'Alessandro, Anthony (12 October 2017). "Gambit' Starring Channing Tatum Will Open Valentine's Day 2019". Deadline | Hollywood. Retrieved 26 January 2018.
Bibliography
Benoit, Raymond (Summer 1968). "Jack London's 'The Call of the Wild'". American Quarterly. The Johns Hopkins University Press. 20 (2): 246–248. doi:10.2307/2711035. JSTOR 2711035.
Courbier-Tavenier, Jacqueline (1999). "The Call of the Wild and The Jungle: Jack London and Upton Sinclair's Animal and Human Jungles". In Pizer, Donald (ed.). Cambridge Companion to American Realism and Naturalism: Howells to London. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-43876-6.
Doctorow, E. L.; London, Jack (1998). "Introduction". The Call of the Wild, White Fang & To Build a Fire. The Modern Library hundred best novels of the twentieth century. 88 (reprint ed.). Modern Library. ISBN 978-0-375-75251-3. OCLC 38884558.
Doon, Ellen. "Marshall Bond Papers". New Haven, Conn, USA: Yale University. hdl:10079/fa/beinecke.bond.
Dyer, Daniel (April 1988). "Answering the Call of the Wild". The English Journal. National Council of Teachers of English. 77 (4): 57–62. doi:10.2307/819308. JSTOR 819308.
Barnes & Noble (2003). "'Jack London' – Biographical Note". The Call of the Wild and White Fang. Barnes and Noble Classics. Introduction by Tina Giantquitto (reprint ed.). Barnes & Noble. ISBN 978-1-59308-002-0.
Barnes & Noble (2003). "'The World of Jack London'". The Call of the Wild and White Fang. Barnes and Noble Classics. Introduction by Tina Giantquitto (reprint ed.). Barnes & Noble. ISBN 978-1-59308-002-0.
Giantquitto, Tina (2003). "'Introduction'". The Call of the Wild and White Fang. Barnes and Noble Classics. Introduction by Tina Giantquitto (reprint ed.). Barnes & Noble. ISBN 978-1-59308-002-0.
Giantquitto, Tina (2003). "'Endnotes'". The Call of the Wild and White Fang. Barnes and Noble Classics. Introduction by Tina Giantquitto (reprint ed.). Barnes & Noble. ISBN 978-1-59308-002-0.
Barnes & Noble (2003). "Inspired by 'The Call of the Wild' and 'White Fang'". The Call of the Wild and White Fang. Barnes and Noble Classics. Introduction by Tina Giantquitto (reprint ed.). Barnes & Noble. ISBN 978-1-59308-002-0.
Barnes & Noble (2003). "'Comments and Questions'". The Call of the Wild and White Fang. Barnes and Noble Classics. Introduction by Tina Giantquitto (reprint ed.). Barnes & Noble. ISBN 978-1-59308-002-0.
Lehan, Richard (1999). "The European Background". In Pizer, Donald (ed.). Cambridge Companion to American Realism and Naturalism: Howells to London. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-43876-6.
"Jack London's 'The Call of the Wild'". Publishers Weekly. F. Leypoldt. 64 (1). August 1, 1903. Retrieved August 28, 2012.
Labor, Earle; Reesman, Jeanne Campbell (1994). Jack London. Twayne's United States authors series. 230 (revised, illustrated ed.). New York: Twayne Publishers. ISBN 978-0-8057-4033-2. OCLC 485895575.
London, Jack (1903). The Call of the Wild . Wikisource.
London, Jack (1998). The Call of the Wild, White Fang & To Build a Fire. The Modern Library hundred best novels of the twentieth century. 88. Introduction by E. L. Doctorow (reprint ed.). Modern Library. ISBN 978-0-375-75251-3. OCLC 38884558.
Modern Library (1998). "'Jack London' – Biographical Note". The Call of the Wild, White Fang & To Build a Fire. The Modern Library hundred best novels of the twentieth century. 88. Introduction by E. L. Doctorow (reprint ed.). Modern Library. ISBN 978-0-375-75251-3. OCLC 38884558.
Pizer, Donald (1983). "Jack London: The Problem of Form". Studies in the Literary Imagination. 16 (2): 107–115.
Smith, Geoffrey D. (August 13, 1997). American Fiction, 1901–1925: A Bibliography. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-43469-0. Retrieved August 28, 2012.
"London, Jack 1876–1916". The call of the wild. WorldCat. Retrieved October 26, 2012.
Further reading
Fusco, Richard. "On Primitivism in The Call of the Wild. American Literary Realism, 1870–1910. Vol. 20, No. 1 (Fall, 1987), pp. 76–80
McCrum, Robert. The 100 best novels: No 35 – The Call of the Wild by Jack London (1903) "The 100 best novels: No 35 – The Call of the Wild by Jack London (1903)".] The Guardian. 19 May 2014. Retrieved 5 September 2015.

زياد علي

زياد علي محمد